Suchergebnisse

Intro -- CONTENTS -- INTRODUCTION -- 1 THE NEGRO AND THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT BEFORE WORLD WAR II -- 2 THE NEGRO AND THE FEDERAL SERVICE IN AN ERA OF CHANGE -- 3 REPRESENTATIVE BUREAUCRACY AND CIVIL RIGHTS -- 4 MERIT, CIVIL RIGHTS, AND CIVIL SERVICE -- 5 NEGRO EMPLOYMENT, AN ANALYSIS -- 6 THE MACHINERY OF EQUALITY -- 7 THE PROBLEM IN THE DEPARTMENTS: SOME ILLUSTRATIONS -- CONCLUSIONS -- INDEX -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y.

The notion that markets lead to law and freedom is said to have originated in Adam Smith's work and is rooted in history. Both the progression and roots seem highly problematic. Neo-Smithian approaches have been refurbished by general acceptance of a contingent nature of the relation. They have also been enhanced by the failures of European Marxist economics in ways predicted with uncanny accuracy. On the other hand, neoclassical claims that democratic welfare systems were only a step away from similar failures have been refuted. Hopes that an international system might impose democracy from outside the nation-state are overly optimistic. Nationalism is rife, with a continuing outburst of ethnic secessions, and little yielding of power to supranational decision makers. The greatest success of supranational authority has rather been in creating subsidiary structures, unlikely to implement fundamental transformation but with potential for supporting such a thrust. These include expert-based operations and the network of nongovernmental organizations.

The notion that markets lead to law & freedom is said to have originated in Adam Smith's work & is rooted in history. Both the progression & roots seem highly problematic. Neo-Smithian approaches have been refurbished by general acceptance of a contingent nature of the relation. They have also been enhanced by the failures of European Marxist economics in ways predicted with uncanny accuracy. On the other hand, neoclassical claims that democratic welfare systems were only a step away from similar failures have been refuted. Hopes that an international system might impose democracy from outside the nation-state are overly optimistic. Nationalism is rife, with a continuing outburst of ethnic secessions, & little yielding of power to supranational decision makers. The greatest success of supranational authority has rather been in creating subsidiary structures, unlikely to implement fundamental transformation but with potential for supporting such a thrust. These include expert-based operations & the network of nongovernmental organizations. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2006 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

Americans paradoxically claim uniqueness for their political system, yet promote it as a model for others. This is especially true of federalism, the clearest example of American exceptionalism. At its inception, American federalism was produced in an environment closely approximating what scholars have since distilled as optimal conditions for fostering such a system. In other contexts, federalism has not flourished, because those preconditions are seldom approximated. Remarkably, American federalism has adjusted to meet drastically changed social, geographic, & political conditions, & the case for its continued adaptiveness & appropriateness remains strong. Although enclaved state differences in economics & religion are no longer a reality, these & other differences are widespread especially on a regional basis. Even on a statewide basis, cultural mixes keep the country heterogeneous. The US constitution has been reinterpreted to permit rather more nationalized control in accordance with this process of eliminating differences. Indeed, this is to the point where federalism could become legally problematic, explaining the Rehnquist court's recent decisions. Adapted from the source document.